Senate Republicans on Wednesday blocked a resolution to curb President Donald Trump’s military authority in Iran, sending a clear message to the country and world: GOP lawmakers are — at least for the moment — unwilling to put a check on the president’s operation in the Middle East, and there’s little Democrats can do about it right now.
The 47-53 vote fell mainly along party lines, with Sen. Rand Paul of Kentucky — the GOP co-sponsor of the effort — the only Republican to join all but one Democrat, Sen. John Fetterman of Pennsylvania, in support of the motion.
The measure would direct the removal of U.S. forces from Iran that haven’t been authorized by Congress, pointing to Article I of the Constitution, which gives Congress sole power to declare war.
As the vote was underway, Paul lamented a Congress “without ambition.”
“[James] Madison never imagined or envisioned a Congress with no ambition,” he said. “This is a Congress without really a belief structure in defending legislative prerogative. They just are a rubber stamp for whatever a president tells them to do.”
To be sure, the outcome was widely expected.
Most Republicans have publicly been in lockstep with Trump since the joint U.S.-Israeli strikes on Iran on Saturday, which killed Tehran’s Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. Iran retaliated after the initial attack, prompting an exchange of hostilities between the countries and a spreading conflict throughout the region.
But the tally of lawmakers highlights an important dynamic as the Iran conflict escalates: Republicans, for now, are ready to give Trump unfettered power in the Middle East, even as key questions remain about the size, scope and long-term goals of the mission.
“The commander in chief has the authority to do these strikes,” said Sen. Joni Ernst, R-Iowa.
In the days preceding the Senate vote, all eyes were on a group of five Republicans who earlier this year voted to advance a separate war powers resolution focused on Venezuela following the U.S. raid and capture of President Nicolás Maduro.
By Wednesday, ahead of the vote, at least two of those lawmakers indicated they would not vote for the resolution, including Sen. Todd Young, R-Ind. (who ultimately flipped and voted against final adoption of the Venezuela measure following immense pressure from the White House).
In a statement hours before the Iran vote, Young wrote, “The United States and our allies are now in conflict with a brutal, hostile, and dangerous regime. I believe that danger will only grow if we limit the President’s military options at this critical moment.”
“An abrupt disengagement could pose increased risks to American lives and interests,” Young added.
It’s a different sentiment across the aisle, where Democrats are up in arms over the way the administration pursued the effort, and are openly concerned about what happens next in the region. But they’re realizing there’s little they can do other than sit back and watch — at least in the near-term.
That idea was crystalized over the weekend when Sen. Tim Kaine, D-Va., the lead sponsor of the war powers resolution, noted that the measure was unlikely to become law because both chambers are unlikely to support it with veto-proof majorities.
But he underscored the need to make lawmakers vote, so their constituents know where they stand.
“Even if I get a positive vote in the Senate it would have to pass the House, it would have to survive a presidential veto,” Kaine said. “I don’t have a two-thirds margin in both Houses, but I do think it’s really important to put every member of Congress on the record about this.”
On the other side of Capitol Hill, the House is poised to take up its own war powers measure on Thursday — the vote is expected to be tight.









